In Search of Answers From Mr. Romney
Mitt Romney mounted a big foreign policy display on a flag-draped stage
at the Virginia Military Institute on Monday, serving up a lot of tough-sounding sound bites
and hawkish bumper stickers, some of them even bumping up somewhere
close to the truth, to give the appearance that he would be stronger and
more forceful on international affairs than President Obama.
He seems to consider himself, ludicrously, a leader similar to the likes
of Harry Truman and George Marshall, and, at one point, he obliquely
questioned Mr. Obama’s patriotism. The hope seems to be that big
propaganda, said loudly and often, will drown out Mr. Obama’s
respectable record in world affairs, make Americans believe Mr. Romney
would be the better leader and cover up the fact that there is mostly
just hot air behind his pronouncements.
Mr. Romney’s stated policies in Monday’s speech,
just as they have been in the past, are either pretty much like Mr.
Obama’s or, when there are hints of differences, would pull the United
States in wrong and even dangerous directions. His analysis of the roots
of various international crises is either naïve or deliberately
misleading.
One new element is Mr. Romney’s assertion that the threats have “grown
worse.” He desperately wants to undercut the edge that voters have given
Mr. Obama on foreign policy, even before he ordered the killing of
Osama bin Laden. But he offers no real evidence to back up that
particular claim, and if it were true that the threats have been so much
worse for so long, it’s odd that Mr. Romney hasn’t really talked about
them before.
Militancy in the Arab world is a serious issue that needs to be
addressed by both candidates. The Obama administration has been seized
with the challenge of extremists from Yemen to Somalia to the
Philippines and beyond since taking office and has used various
strategies to deal with it. But, as much as Mr. Romney wishes voters
would believe otherwise, it was President George W. Bush’s unnecessary
war in Iraq that gave Iran more room to maneuver and fueled
anti-Americanism.
The situation has become more complicated since the Arab Spring
revolutions that brought Muslim countries more freedoms — and more
turmoil and more ways for extremists to create trouble.
But it is not, as Mr. Romney seems to think, one big monolithic struggle
against those who are seeking to wage “perpetual war on the West.”
There are different strains of Islam and many kinds of Muslims with
different political agendas. To create smart policy, American presidents
have to see the nuances, not just the slogans, and be willing to work
with many different kinds of leaders.
Mr. Romney seized again on the Sept. 11 attack
on the American consulate in Benghazi, Libya, and the murders of
Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens and three others, to make cheap
political points. He said the attack “was likely the work of forces
affiliated with those that attacked our homeland” on Sept. 11, 2001, an
exaggeration that he can be making only for political effect.
The administration initially characterized last month’s attack as a
spontaneous demonstration gone awry, but, within two days, described it
as an organized terrorist act by extremists with possible links to Al
Qaeda. But that organization has changed so much, and splintered so
much, since 2001 that to suggest a link to the attacks in New York and
Washington seems untenable. In any event, in times of crisis, as Mr.
Romney must know, it is not unusual to modify an analysis when new
intelligence is obtained.
One of Mr. Romney’s main complaints is that Mr. Obama hasn’t helped
America’s friends. In Iraq, Mr. Romney is right when he points to rising
violence and the rising influence of Iran. But when Mr. Romney faults
Mr. Obama’s withdrawal of American troops from the country, he never
says what he would have done as president, or what he would do. Would he
have refused to withdraw forces, or would he redeploy them now, even
though the Iraqis did not and do not want them? It was not Mr. Obama’s
withdrawal that left Iraq a political mess. It was Mr. Bush’s reckless
invasion and inept running of the war.
Mr. Romney continues to fault Mr. Obama for not leading on Syria, where
thousands have died at the hands of President Bashar al-Assad’s forces.
While he says he would make sure the rebels get the weapons they need,
he never answers the bottom-line question: Should the United States go
to war there?
He said he would toughen sanctions on Iran. If he intends to go beyond
what Mr. Obama is already doing with international support, he should
say so and spell it out. Otherwise, the only room he leaves to the right
of Mr. Obama’s policy is to wage war on Iran — a catastrophically
foolish idea that most Americans recognize as folly.
Mr. Romney repeated an outright lie about Mr. Obama’s military spending
policy to make himself appear more concerned about America’s defense. He
accused Mr. Obama of favoring “deep and arbitrary cuts” to the military
when, in fact, those cuts, if they happen, were mandated by a deal
demanded by the Republicans to end their trumped-up crisis over the debt
ceiling.
One good piece of news is that on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Mr.
Romney has remodified his position one more time. After telling a
private donor party during his primary campaign that “this is going to
remain an unsolved problem,” he now endorses a two-state solution,
although he never suggests how he would go about this.
Americans deserve an intensive, textured and honest discussion on
foreign policy. They did not get it on Monday. Mr. Obama should respond,
forcefully, to Mr. Romney on these issues, even before their next
debate on Oct. 16, which will include issues of foreign affairs.
This article is an editorial from the New York Times of October 9, 2012
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